Free Publishing, Free Reading and Why I Publish/Reprint Books.

Free Publishing, Free Reading and Why I Publish/Reprint Books.

Writings are timeless and they act as mirrors of  history. I publish writings as they remain relevant anytime.  You don’t have to be a good writer to write something. The only requirement is to write in simple terms to be understood.  I have seen a lot of good writings in the internet, in magazines and newspapers. But most writers have only one or two articles and therefore not enough material to be published as a book. And yet, many of them need to be published. So the idea of collecting all these various writings hit me.  I myself cannot come up with enough material. I decided to offer my services to publish anybody’s worth-while writings in one fairly good sized book, in paperback or pocketbook form. Their ability to publish is solved in a nutshell.

I am offering these services free of charge because of the availability of print-books-on-demand (POD) system nowadays.  I have acquired the knowledge the hard way.  I am now in a position to help publish writings of anybody. I can produce the book, but it’s not entirely free of cost on my part. I merely assume the cost.

Why put your writings in a book?  And not just in the internet? I recommend that writings be retained in a hard copy or in book form or printed form for posterity.  The book will always be there among your collections or libraries.  Not all use the internet.  The internet access has its technical problems.  Writings in the internet may be erased erroneously.  Free storage is hard to access. Paid storage may be returned or lost.

For those looking for a publisher, especially if you have a novel or many essays, I can produce the paperback book under your own authorship at no cost. I can produce art books, family tree books, family albums/pictorials, biographies, joke books, song hits books, travelogues, reunions, color or B/W, etc. My booklist can be found at: http://tinyurl.com/mj76ccq

As usual, permission are granted by the author/ authors to print their books  under my free self-publishing service. They own copyrights to their works.

Interested reader may request free reading of any of my books, articles or essays via online reading. Just email me: job_elizes@yahoo.com

My Book Catalog can be found at http://www.jobelizes6.wix.com/mysite. This catalogue will grow as years pass by because of additional titles to be published. I continue to publish or reprint books as a means to archive them in hard copy and/or digital form, for posterity.Books will never run out of copies due to the POD or Print On Demand system. Good luck!

Heroes (excerpts)

I have a private collection of long articles written by famous authors, which I can lend to interested parties. One of them is about Andres Bonifacio – Why the Supremo Fell by Nick Joaquin. It’s very intriguing critical analysis of the Philippine revolution and its heroes. One short excerpts below:

Ilustrado means, literally, illuminated, and implies, as in medieval Europe, an esoteric group (for example, the illuminati lifted above the mass of the people by a special intelligence. Even in our day of mass culture, illuminati exist: we have kept the legend of the mad scientist, who is our equivalent of the mad saint. Nevertheless, we can no longer comprehend a time when anybody who had gone beyond book lore and folklore was regarded as more than just a wise man, was deemed to be reading the world in the light of a supernatural illumination, and was feared as a sorcerer. The early philosopher-scientists of medieval Europe — Roger Bacon, Petrus Peregrinus, Albert Magnus ~ were popularly believed to be magicians and to have had traffic with the Devil; they were seers and sorcerers who could read the secrets of the earth and divine the future, and they gave rise to the Faust legend.

This tradition of the sage as seer haunts our use of the term ilustrado, for the ilustrado arose among us when the Philippines was emerging from its own Middle Ages. Rizal was a prophet not only in his own family, who saw him as a dreamer of dreams foretelling the future. To the common folk his skill in the sciences indicated possession of magical powers; and this view of Rizal as magus survives in the cult of that strange sect in Laguna which worships him as a kind of supernatural being: the god of Mount Makiling. A similar mysterious light envelops, in popular mythology, the figures of Burgos, Mabini, Aglipay and Aguinaldo. Ilocano peasants used to say of Bishop Aglipay that he had only to put his hands to his head to make his white hair turn black; and
there’s a legend in Kawit that the General tamed the cafre that haunted the Kawit seashore and put it to guarding the bridge beside his house.

The Filipino ilustrado, who represented the highest reach of the rising bourgeoisie of the 19th century , may thus be said to have worn the conic cap of the sorcerer; and the Revolution can be told as the tale of the Sorcerer’s Apprentice. Of the various embroiderings of that tale, one version has the sorcerer laying out the ingredients for a mighty experiment and then going to sleep until the propitious time for his brew, having bidden his apprentice to keep the caldron boiling; but while he slept the apprentice decided to brew the ingredients himself, tossed them all into the caldron, and began stirring the mixture, whereupon there was a terrific explosion; and the sorcerer awoke to find his cave on fire, and rushed to the caldron, to save what he could of his brew, but in vain, because the time for it had not yet come.

Of the many comments made on the Revolution, that is the one that is never dared made: that it was premature, that it was untimely, that the hour for it, as the ilustrados had been saying all along, had not yet struck. Even from just the practical point of view, the Revolution was inopportune because it cost the lives of the very men who could have made a true Filipino nation work: Rizal, and a whole host of the most brilliant minds of the country, as well as Bonifacio, the sorcerer’s apprentice, himself.

It must be granted that Bonifacio could well have seen the time as propitious, with Cuba in revolt and the home government in Spain in the confused coils of a regency and on the brink of war; but Rizal, who had a cooler eye, cast it not across the sea at Spain but across the street at his own countrymen and judged them not yet ready to revolt. History has vindicated him. Being premature, the Revolution proved abortive. We boast that ours was the first revolution in Asia; we fail to add that the other revolutions, though they came later, were more successful, presumably because the time was ripe for them. The Americans didn’t really interrupt our revolution; it had already flopped before Dewey steamed into Manila Bay; and but for Dewey, Aguinaldo and his colleagues might have spent the rest of their lives in exile, frittering away the time in one vain
conspiracy after another, or being used, as Ricarte was used, by some power that coveted the Philippines. That explosion in the sorcerer’s cave delayed instead of hastening the sorcerer’s work; for the Filipino ilustrado had a revolution in progress that got stymied by Bonifacio’s explosion.

The fashionable view of the Revolution today is that it was a proletarian uprising that the bourgeois “captured.” At first it was said that the capture was effected at the Malolos Congress, some two years after the Revolution started. The date has apparently been advanced, since it’s now being said that the capture was made at the Tejeros Convention, six months after Balintawak. We may expect some future theorist to advance the date still further and declare that the capture was accomplished right in Balintawak. All this sounds like an egghead effort to make Marxist boots out of Philippine bakya.

What’s evident is that, soon after the Revolution started, there was a power struggle in Cavite between Manilenos and Cavitenos. The question to ask is: Who captured which? Was it the Cavitenos who, driven from their province by the Spanish forces, fled to Manila and there tried to take over the successful revolution of the Manilenos? Or was it the Manilenos who fled to Cavite and there tried to capture the successful revolution of the Cavitenos? And the geography of the struggle is answer enough.

Conjugal – Chapter V – Infrastructure of Martial Law

Conjugal – Chapter V – Infrastructure of Martial Law

(These are excerpts of the Conjugal Dictatorship book by the late famous Filipino journalist and ill-fated Primitivo Mijares. A friend lent me this private collection of excerpts from the book condensation serialized in a daily newspaper in the Philippines in the late 1980s, after the Edsa Revolution. The widow of Mijares is a recently retired Regional Court Justice of Pasay City in 2010. She should be the rightful owner of the copyright of this book, but unfortunately she is unresponsive to my attempts to contact her. I could not locate also the children of Mijares. I could not locate also the original publisher, the Union Square Publishing of SF, CA, as it was dissolved as a corporation in 1994, per google-search. These are only excerpts and also not complete. But materials are enough for complete understanding about Martial Law regime of President Marcos as revealed by the Mijares, before he disappeared mysteriously during that regime.) (For private use Only.  I can lend you other excerpts upon request.)

Marcos did not panic into dictatorship.

Weeks before Marcos rang the curtain down on democracy in the Philippines, the whiff of revolution was sharp and unmistakable. It was evident that the country was
on the verge of its biggest social upheaval. The pace was dizzying. And most everybody, from Marcos to the common street walkers, were “blaming Communists and their agents provocateur for every’ rally, demonstration, or terror-bombing.

Few knew that Marcos had. been exploiting the unfolding revolutionary drama.

Marcos was well on his way to setting up the excuses to extend his term in office long enough to launch an imperial dynasty in the Philippines. He was doing it with a
fine Hitlerian hand that would make the burning of the German Reichstag the job of a piker.

The greatest infrastructure ever undertaken by Marcos was on. It was done behind the back of people who trusted him, people who rallied to him and who relied so much on him to bring to reality a dreamy campaign slogan that “This nation can be great again.” It was treachery of the highest order, far outweighing the treacherous shooting of Julio Nalundasan.

But there were visible crowd-pleasing infrastructures, too. Ribbons of cemented highways and bridges spanning rivers and linking heretofore inaccessible areas to the
main arteries of commerce. Public works and “green revolution.” All these were undertaken only to conceal the greatest personal and political infrastructure that Marcos had decided to set up for himself and his gang.

The beginning infrastructure for martial law was actually laid down by Marcos as early as the first day of his assumption of the Philippine presidency on December 30,
1963.

I may be guilty of hindsight now for hindsight can be so easy but I can see that the first concrete step taken by Marcos to steel himself for the declaration of martial law came when he decided to appoint himself as his own Secretary of National Defense
when he assumed the presidency for the first time.

And the conjugal dictatorship shaped up at about that time, too. Imelda had decided, after a few days of occupancy of Malacanang. that she and Ferdinand need not
give up the Palace after eight years. Thus, the “Blue Ladies” would get bored listening to Imelda talk about the enormous problems o! the country which no President can solve in eight years. With the familiar naughty wink of her right eye, she would wind up her
peroration by stating: “‘We (a vague collective pronoun which could mean including the ‘Blue Ladies’) will stay here in Malacanang all our lives.”

Thoughts of one day ruling as strong man under martial law were already in the  mind of Ferdinand E. Marcos as early as his student days in the University of the Philippines.

Oral evidence on the thoughts of Marcos about martial law was provided to me boastfully in the manner of persons reveal the intimate secrets of demi-gods whose
confidence they want everybody to know they enjoy. They were Marcos’ favorite classmates, Ambassador Roberto S. Benedicto, GSIS Board Vice Chairman Leonilo Ocampo and Agrarian Court Judge Felicisimo Ocampo. They were all Upsilonian fraternity brothers of Marcos.

The President himself did repeatedly explain to me that a martial law regime for the Philippines was virtually a lifetime ambition for him. He would talk about his youthful ambition for a strong-man ruler for the Philippines during his spare hours on
Saturdays, about noon time, and Sundays, after the six o’clock evening mass at the Malacanang reception hall. I sort of monopolized the time of the President during those hours. It was just inconceivable that any of the presidential assistants Clave, De
Vega and Tuvera – would abandon their own personal infrastructures on weekends to be
with the President.

I hid compelling reasons to see the President even on Saturdays and Sundays. I was a seven-day week newspaperman, I was working as a reporter-columnist for his
newspaper and doubling as his propagandist and media censor. I took advantage of his leisure moments to shoot the breeze with him; pick his mind, so to speak. I was duty-bound to compile enough story ideas and column materials for days in advance, not only for my newspaper but also for the other newspapers whose Malacanang beat reporters rely on me for presidential “news.”

I am still puzzled up to this time though why Marcos really gave much of his time. During those Saturday and Sunday sessions, he would ask me what the people outside were thinking about. He wanted to know from me if the people really approved of the
state of things under a martial regime. It was during those talks that I would act out my role as a “Devil’s Advocate.” He would also talk about future plans of the regime in jig-saw pieces, not in their entirety. He would put his ideas across in various ways. He
would ask questions, or talk about ways of dealing with people who still oppose the martial regime, or declare the necessity of doing certain things In those sessions, the
President would make me feel that he was intentionally making a gesture of making me bask in the reflected glory of the dictatorship, or that history was calling upon him to make a truthful account of his stewardship of the nation through a man of his confidence like me.

Although I discovered so much out of my closeness to the President, it has exacted a toll on my family life. The heavier toll came, of course, during my last departure for the United States on an official mission for the Marcos regime. The trip led to my defection and forced separation from my family. I used to have spats with my wife over my absence from the house when I have to be with the President on Saturdays and Sundays, the only
days of the week, she would argue, when she and I could both be with the Children. I could not have told her then that I was being driven by an irresistible urge of history to pick the mind of Marcos – even spy on him or pry into his secret files as I did – in order that I can reveal to posterity the full and unexpurgated story of the perfidy that Marcos had foisted on the Filipino people. I myself realize this only now.

During those weekend sessions I had with him, the President would talk on any number of things, including the ambitions and incompetence of most of his Cabinet members, or the rapacity of the husband-wife team of Juan Tuvera and Kerima who want to be bigger newspaper oligarchs than either Benedicto or Kokoy. Almost always, his favorite topic though would be the supposed historical, and legal basis of the
regime of martial law he had established in the country. Then UP senior law student Marcos, according to the President’s own account to me, wrote a legal thesis to comply with the requisites for graduation on the wisdom and necessity of a regime of “consti-
tutional  authoritarianism” to husband the economic and political development of the Philippines. He wrote that a “strong man” President was what the Commonwealth needed. Although he harped on the theme of “constitutional authoritarianism” in his
legal thesis, Marcos recalled, what he actually had in mind as a student was exactly what he had established as a New Society in the Philippines. He wished then – as he had realized with martial law — a military dictatorship, with the military kept subordinate to a civilian President calling the shots all the way.

“I know what’s on your mind, Tibo,” he smiled at me as I knitted  my eyebrows and prepared to say something about a military dictatorship. “I will never share powers with a military junta. It will be worse than sharing the powers of government with a Con gum”

—-

All these were undertaken only to conceal the greatest personal and political
infrastructure that Marcos had decided to set up for himself and his gang.

—–

Marcos correctly guessed what was on my mind, I had another thought coming up. However, I dared not betray it. It would have been impudent of me to have stated that lie would be further diluting his powers to share them with the martial leaders since martial law has compelled him to put up a conjugal dictatorship with Imelda.

The Idea of a meddling wife being allowed to rule jointly with Marcos in Malacanang was not yet in the consciousness of law student Ferdinand when he out-
lined his “constitutional authoritarianism” regime in his legal thesis. His UP classmates. especially Benedicto and Noning Ocampo, recalled that Marcos actually subconsciously conditioned himself for the eventuality that a woman would one day share whatever political powers he might have.

Young Ferdinand eyed for conquest at the time another U.P. student, beauteous Ma. Aurora Quezon, eldest daughter of then President Manuel Luis Quezon. The tune that Marcos whistled to his classmates was that, to get to the pinnacle of power politics in the Philippines, which was his ambition, he has to marry the daughter of a politically-powerful man.

It was not only Baby Quezon that young Marcos had eyed. There is also voluptuous Carmen Ortega by whom Marcos now has children. Carmen belonged to the politically powerful clan of the Ortegas in La Union; a bona fide member, not just a poor
relation. Marcos really aspired that early and intended to employ cunning and deceit to be his country’s dictator one day.

The actual planning for martial law started when Marcos became President. Although Marcos had dreamed of the authoritarian rule early enough, he was understandably in no position to do anything until he could assume the No. 1 position within the gift of the Filipino people. Before he could make it to Malacanang, however, Marcos had had to hurdle two major obstacles, among others, from the direction
of two Visayan personalities, namely, Manila Mayor Arsenio H. Lacson and then Senate President Pro Tempore Fernando Lopez. On both occasions, it was Imelda who saved the day for Marcos.

The Lacson hurdle cropped up in 1957. The colorful Manila mayor notified Nacionalista party leaders that he had compiled a “dossier” on Marcos which should
help the NP candidate. Dr. Jose Peralta, defeat Marcos in the upcoming elections. Ferdinand was then up for reelection to his third term in the House of Representatives. Lacson was sore at Marcos because the latter had propositioned him into putting up
a Lacson-Marcos team for the presidential elections that year. The mayor also had not forgotten that Marcos had married Imelda. Somehow friends of Marcos in the NP tipped off the Ilocano congressman on the Lacson dossier, which reportedly had been prepared with the legal expertise of a prominent lawyer named Jose W. Diokno. Not unlikely as one of the Marcos tipsters was Speaker Pro Tempore Daniel Z. Romualdez, a first cousin of Imelda.

The first impulse of Marcos was to have it out with Lacson, obviously thinking that Manila was Ilocos Norte where the law of the gun was supreme. He thought perhaps that this time he could settle an old score with the Visayan. Lacson had earlier beaten Marcos black and blue in a fisticuff while both were working as assistants in the law office of
Don Vicente Francisco. However, Imelda pleaded with her husband to abandon his own plans of dealing with Lacson. She had her own way of neutralizing the Manila Mayor. Not long afterwards, a beaming Mayor Lacson told City Hall newsmen, including myself, that there will be no bombshell against Marcos; Imelda had talked him out of it. Instead,
he would stand as godfather for the Marcoses’ first born, daughter Imee.

The second obstacle came shortly after Marcos had clinched the NP presidential nomination in November, 1964. Marcos and Imelda decided that Fernando Lopez was the “best choice” for the vice presidential nomination. Lopez belonged to the NP “old
guards,” and his becoming Marcos’ running mate would firm up the support of the Lopez economic-political bloc headed by Don Eugenio Lopez, Sr.

But Lopez had made a pledge earlier that if he lost the NP presidential nomination, he would say goodbye to politics. “No, no.” Lopez declared to two emissaries dispatched by Marcos – Speaker Jose B. Laurel. Jr. and former President Carlos P. Garcia. He said he was quitting, period.

Marcos wracked his brains. On the threshold of victory, he would not allow any further obstacle. No price was too great to pay to have “Toto” Nanding in his ticket. Yes.
the natural choice was Imelda. She could use her wiles. summon her tears, in talking to Lopez, which she did when the old Politico went up to her suite at the Manila Hotel on November 17, 1964, instead of allowing Imelda to call on him to beg for the acceptance by Fernando of the vice presidential slot.

Just as Watergate was peanuts compared to the Marcos-espoused Philippine scandal so was the Segretti operations a child’s plaything compared to the measures
undertaken by Marcos to subvert the political process ever since he captured the Philippine presidency.

Mr. President book – Hermie Rotea

I just published Mr. President book by Hermie Rotea, a close friend, consisting of collection of his columns in his website, Philpress, during the recent years. Columns are in the form of letters to President Obama. Here’s about the author and table of contents of the book.

Author Hermie Rotea is the editor and publisher of Philpress, an Internet news and views agency based in Los Angeles County, California, United States of America, that features his online column, “Mr. President”, addressed directly to President Barack Obama, in his websites http://www.hermierotea.com and www.philpress.net.

Rotea studied journalism at the Far Eastern University in Manila and at the Newspaper Institute of America in New York City. He is author of two new books, “Egypt & U.S. Cuddling of Dictators, Revolution Behind The Barricades” which was released on February 15, 2011; and “To UN: Indict Bush & Cheney for War Crimes”, which was released in January 2011.

His two other previous books are: “Marcos’ Lovey Dovie” (1983, Los Angeles), and “I Saw Them Aim and Fire!” (1970, Manila), that landed him in the enemy blacklist of Philippine Dictator Ferdinand Marcos, which he considered like an Olympic gold medal.

The government subjected him to legal prosecution and political persecution. He escaped to the United States just before Marcos declared martial law in 1972. But fleeing to America was like jumping from the frying pan to the fire.

His request for political asylum was buried in the dead file without action and put him in legal limbo as a man without a country for 16 long years. He challenged the INS authorities to deport him, but they demurred.

So despite his undocumented status, the author published Philippine Press in Los Angeles and continued the crusade against Dictator Marcos in his community newspaper. He became a regular member of the Greater Los Angeles Press Club.

The author continued what he did in Manila, which included writing for the Manila Times, Philippines Free Press, Chronicle Broadcasting Network, Daily Record, and published the Daily News. He was elected a director of the National Press Club that book-launched his first book.

In the U.S., he had articles published in the Ed-Op pages of the Los Angeles Times and the Los Angeles Herald-Examiner and other news publications in the country. He wrote his second book, “Marcos’ Lovey Dovie” on Catalina Island.

To settle his immigration status once and for all, the author later dragged the INS to court. The judge ruled in his favor and granted him political asylum the hard way. He belatedly became a naturalized U.S. citizen in 1994.

It turned out that America merely sheds crocodile tears for victims of pro-U.S. foreign dictators and makes a big joke out of the Statue of Liberty in New York harbor, at least in the author’s case at the time.

But Dictator Marcos was also a shrewd politician. He contributed $10 million to President Reagan’s reelection campaign. Emboldened, he ordered the arrest of US-exiled opposition leaders led by Senators Benigno Aquino Jr. and Raul Manglapus.

Then the tyrant lobbied with the White House for an extradition treaty between the United States and the Philippines so that they could be extradited to Manila and fed to Dictator Marcos’ lion’s den. Ironically, President Reagan approved the proposed extradition treaty, but the U.S. Congress led by Senator Edward Kennedy blocked it.

Suffice it to say, Martial Law followed the author to America. In 1983, he was indicted and tried in absentia before a military kangaroo court in Greater Manila on a trumped-up charge of rebellion to overthrow the government along with top exiled opposition leaders.

That same year Senator Aquino returned to Manila from U.S. exile for a dialogue with Marcos. But the dictator’s soldiers assassinated him right at the Manila International Airport tarmac upon his arrival, which foreign reporters accompanying him witnessed live.

The event triggered the Philippine Revolution of 1986 that overthrew Marcos and catapulted Aquino’s widow, Corazon Aquino, to the presidency in a snap election. U.S. observers caught Marcos cheating in the counting of votes. President Reagan facilitated his escape to Hawaii.

In the author’s case, the Philippine Consulate in Los Angeles also instigated the filing of extortion case against him on a trumped charge, but a Superior Court dismissed the lawsuit as without merit.

Finally, the author was bombed out of his Beverly Blvd. office in Los Angeles when a bomb was mistakenly planted in his former annex office across the hall that he had just vacated to save on rent. At first the police ironically even suspected him of planting the bomb himself and subjected him to a lie-detector test. Although cleared, he felt burnt out and took a leave of absence from newspaper work after the Philippine revolution of 1986.

In his self-imposed exile from journalism the author disappeared from public sight. That prompted some sectors of the local community and Manila press to report that he had finally been killed by Marcos Gestapo agents in the United States, after eluding them for years, as they did to his fellow journalist, author and defector Primitivo Mijares.

In the author’s book in progress, “Martial Law Followed Us to America”, along with a documentary, “Exile: Ninoy Aquino’s Journey to Martyrdom”, he spotlights the exiled Philippine Liberation Movement in the United States and U.S. bad foreign policy of cuddling foreign dictators, particularly White House’s support of Marcos from President Nixon to Presidents Ford, Carter, Reagan and H.W. Bush.

Contents:

(1) Sarah Palin Book Going Rogue is a Declaration of War Against Her Critics and a Notice of 2012 Run – p.12

(2) Obama Must Stop U.S. Imperialistic Wars and Occupations of Foreign Nations & Neglecting America – p.14

(3) Obama Is Praised and Attacked for Winning the 2009 Nobel Peace Prize – p.21

(4) Michael Moore’s “Capitalism: A Love Story” is a Guerrilla Filmmaking at its Best – p.23

(5) Obama Tries to Corrupt Mainstream Media by Dangling Bills to Make Them Nonproft Statusp.26

(6) Congress Rebukes Rep. Wilson for Shouting the Truth at President Obama at Wrong Time and Place – p.27

(7) Facts Show That Bush, Cheney, Rice Neglected to Protect America from 9/11 Terrorist Attacks – p.30

(8) Can Washington Be Trusted to Reform a Broken System and Make Healthcare a Right for All? – p.42

(9) Is Death of Senator Edward Kennedy the End of Camelot? – p.45

(10) Obama May Be Preparing for a General Custer’s Last Stand on Healthcare “Public Option” Reform – p.47

(11) Bush, Cheney and Rice Will Be Indicted for Murder in California Related to 9/11 and Iraq War – p.51

(12) Obama Gets Over 30 Death Threats a Day That Make Him the Most Threatened U.S. President  – p.54

(13) Clinton’s Success in Freeing Two U.S. Journalists from North Korea Prison Shows Diplomacy Works – p.57

(14) Cop Calls Prof. Gates “Banana-Eating Jungle Monkey” as Obama Acts as WH Bartender-in-Chief – p.60

(15) Prof. Gates Had Right to Be Angry for Being Wrongly Suspected as Burglar in His Own Home – p.62

(16) Walter Cronkite – “The Most Trusted Man in America” – p.66

(17) As Obama Bails Out the Richest of the Rich, He Neglects to Help the Poorest of the Poor – p.69

(18) It May Be Obama Versus Palin in 2012 Presidential Election as Mainstream Media Kick Her Around – p.72

(19) Price of Oil Shoots Up, OPEC Sucks Blood Out of America and Nobody is Trying to Stop the Bleeding! – p.74

(20) Obama is Like Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde with Split

Personalities – p.76

(21) President’s Cairo Speech to Muslim World is Beautiful, But He is Wrong on Iraq and Afghanistan – p.78(22) U.S. is to Blame for North Korea’s Warlike and Crazy Staunch – p.(23) Tricky Dick Cheney Has No Business Lecturing Obama on National Security Issues – p.8

(24) Governing as President and Campaigning for President are Two Different Animals – p.85

(25) Jesse Ventura’s Book is a Portrait of Evil America – p.88

(26) Obama is a Captive of the “Invisible Government” – p.93

(27) Lawsuits Test President’s Persistence & Obamacare – p.96

(28) Broken Promises & More Lies Hurt Obama’s Credibility – p.99

(29) Despite Suicide Bombings in Pakistan, U.S. should avoid the Great Temptation of Crossing its Border in Pursuit of Al Qaeda

and/or Taliban Without Permission. – p.102

(30) Bush-Cheny – The World Must Never Forget. – p.102

Villains and Heroes Book – synopsis

About the book “Villains and Heroes”:

Larry Henares’ essays are often thought of as a morality play, with its own consistent set of villains and heroes. His villains are “crooks, clowns, morons and traitors” among the Philippine officialdom, and his greatest peeves are the colons and the colonials, American carpetbaggers and scallawags among his own people, “the hired hacks and paid pipers of foreign imperialism.” His heroes are Rizal, Recto and all Filipinos whose loyalty and allegiance belong their own country rather than to a foreign power.
In this book of essays, “Villains and Heroes,” Larry really goes to town against “Mommie Dearest” Mother America (recalling the vitriolic biography of actress Joan Crawford by her daughter); against alleged CIA station chief Norbert Garrett, against Minister Phil Kaplan in a satiric essay that recalls the once famous story by Leo Rossten, recently deceased; Secretary George Shultz whom he called Fatso; and Ambassador Frank Wisner whom he called Frankenstein the Wisner of Oz. Here he recounts the long story of how the Senate of the Philippines finally rejected a one-sided Military Bases treaty with the United States.
Then again, he writes of other things: a hilarious essay on the bathrooms and toilets of the world; on mediocrity and intellectual cretinsm, on the social conscience of economists. And finally on death, a heroic fight against cancer, on Atang de la Rama, the final exit of the greatest of his contemporary heroes: Pepe Diokno and Lorenzo Tañada.
Read and laugh your head off. Read ,weep and gnash your teeth.

hen6e

Foreword
The Vision of My Father
by Elvira L. Henares Esguerra, M. D.

MY father, Larry Henares (author), long past the age of reason, has now entered the age of wisdom. He can look back from the peak of his life and gaze upon the valleys and rivers and gorges that he has crossed, and see that the trajectory of his existence, so carefully planned by those who loved and influenced him, has finally brought him to his destiny and destination.
It was his father, Hilarion Sr., who aroused in him a lifelong interest in things scientific, of being an engineer and a scientist, with a mission to industrialize a country long condemned to “the idiocy of rural life” as Karl Marx would express it. This wonderful and amiable man shared with his son his piles of National Geographic and Scientific American magazine — magic carpets of science, discovery and invention that carried my father to flights of fancy and imagination even before he went to school. It was his father who admonished him, “Make as much money as you can, and when you have more than enough to spend in ten lifetimes, so that you are assured of all the necessities of life for yourself and your family — when money becomes only a means of keeping score in the great game of life — then retire. Retire in the most productive period of your life and offer your time and your talents to the service of your country. For the greatest gratification a man can have is to make his mark upon history.”
It was his mother Concepcion Maramba, who taught him how to love deeply without counting the cost, his future wife and family, his country, his God, with a mission to serve our nation and its people, especially the least of his brethren. She was a chemist and a pioneer in Home Economics, who introduced the course in Centro Escolar de las Mujeres, Philippine Women’s University, and the University of the Philippines. And she went on to be the president of the National Federation of Women’s Clubs. From his mother who pioneered in the manufacture of paint, Larry got his ideas and ideals of Social Justice. It was his mother who once said: “To be rich is a beggar’s dream. But to find love is the dream of kings2!”
It was his grandfather, Senator Don Daniel Maramba, who would imbue him with a strong sense of nationalism born out of the Revolution of 1898, and led him to join the crusade of Claro M. Recto, with a single-minded dedication to public service, to enter the corridors of power and influence government policies, and to alter the course of history and the tide of national events. He saw to it that his grandson would have as many classmates as possible to propel him if possible to the Presidency of the land. And so the earlier schooling of Larry Henares and his cousin Fedi Maramba was in the Kindergarten class of PWU, dressed as a little girl, where his mother was a professor; Tinongan Barrio School in Isabela, Occ. Negros, where his father was in charge of a Sugar Refinery; La Granja Barrio School in La Castellana, Occ. Negros, where his uncle Felix Maramba was in charge of an agricultural experimental station; Manaoag Elementary School in Pangasinan where his politician grandfather operated Hacienda Nuning; Lingayen Elementary School where his auntie Emilia Maramba and her friend Mejiang Mejia run a dormitory, Ladies Hall; Sta. Barbara Elementary School, the old hometown of the Maramba side of the family — till at long last he was allowed to enroll in the Ateneo de Manila.
It was his Jesuit mentors, among them Father James B. Reuter, Father Joseph Mulry, Father Horacio de la Costa, who discovered and nurtured his God-given gift of gab and pen. And it was his close friends and classmates — J. V. Cruz, Neno Abreu, Nenec Paredes, Ricardo Vicente, Victor Lim — who developed and sharpened this gift by example, cooperation, interaction and competition. With them, Larry developed a love of reading that persists to this day. In a seven year stretch he read one book every day, devouring entire sets of the Book of Knowledge, Hardy Boys, Boy Allies, Tom Swift science series, Tarzan by Edgar Rice Burroughs, and all the books of P.G. Wodehouse (Jeeves), Ernest Hemingway, Damon Runyon, G.K. Chesterton, H.G. Wells, Booth Tarkington (Magnificent Ambersons, Penrod and Sam), O. Henry, the Harvard Classics and others. And with them he learned to write short stories, essays, scripts, news articles and poetry. As a writer, he was a gusher, as distinguished from a bleeder (start-stop); when he starts a piece it flows clearly and logically to its conclusion without let-up. With them he excelled in extracurricular activities in drama, debate, oratory, script-writing, photography, and electronics.
All these influences set the direction of his life, its angle of elevation, its velocity and trajectory, from birth to the twilight of his existence. Facts can be taught, he said, but values can only be inspired by forebears, teachers and friends, and the motivation to succeed can only come from an internal fire fueling an sense of mission.
And so, Larry Henares distinguished himself as a writer starting in the Guidon, the Ateneo school paper, and later in the national media, as a feature writer in economics, culture, and science. He took up Liberal Arts in Ateneo, Mechanical Engineering in the University of the Philippines, Business and Engineering Administration and Economics in the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. He hired himself out as a business consultant, then took over from his father the family business (which his mother started by making roofing paint from emulsified asphalt, iron oxide and clay. He expanded and diversified this small paint company into conglomerate making 56 different products, which became the 300th largest corporation in the Philippines. He was a pioneer in the field of industrialization and scientific management, and to promote management of industrial corporations, at the age of 25, he set up and was the dean of the first two schools specializing in scientific management: the Feati Graduate School of Management Engineering and the Lyceum School of Commerce. He was a millionaire at the age of 30, at a time when being a millionaire was rare, and the peso was worth 100 times what it is worth today.
He married Cecilia Roensch Lichauco who bore him six children, three boys and three girls, a perfect balance sheet. He was awarded by Malacañang its highest award for Exemplary Family Life. He was adjudged Industrialist of the Year and Young Businessman of the Year, by the Business Writers Association of the Philippines. He won the FAMAS academy award for Best Documentary of the Year, “Without Fear of Tomorrow” on the industrialization of the Philippines. Also the Pride of Youth Award in Rizal’s Centennial Year. He has at last count 496 Plaques and Certificates, and has refused to accept any more since 1986, saying “just give me a barong or a pen or a good book.”
He realized that Industrialization can only come about with government incentives and government policies designed to deliberately usher the economy from subsistence agriculture to industrial status. “Look around and see that industrial nations never starve, but agricultural nations often do; that industrial nations are rich and agricultural nations are poor.” So Larry Henares invaded the public sector as a civic leader and public servant. He became the chairman of the Economic Affairs Committee of the Jaycees, and then like his father before him he became the President of the all-powerful Philippine Chamber of Industries. As such he effectively lobbied for laws conducive to economic development.
President Diosdado Macapagal appointed him the highest paid member of his Cabinet (“the most brilliant among them”) as Chairman of the National Economic Council and Presidential Administrator of Community Development (PACD). As the Economic Czar, he inherited a “decontrolled” economy set loose from its moorings, at the time Japan, Taiwan, and South Korea were managing their economies under Import and Exchange controls. The foreign exchange rate rose from P2 to a dollar to P3.90 per dollar, the foreign reserves plunged down and many industries faced extinction. As the Economic Czar, he exercised the authority of the Executive to adjust tariff rates for the first time since 1909, and kept the floating dollar rate stable at P3.90 per dollar for almost ten years, up to five years after he left office, with the GNP growth rate at about 10 percent per annum, the highest in Asia.
It was only in 1970 when the IMF, Finance Minister Cesar Virata and his free-market economists took over that the value of the peso deteriorated from P3.90 per dollar in 1970, to P18.00 per dollar in 1986 when Marcos was ousted. Under the IMF and CB Governor Jobo Fernandez, the peso value further plunged to P28.00 per dollar during the Cory Aquino years. During the martial law and the Cory years the economy suffered a zero growth, and became the basketcase of Asia and the dynamic Pacific Rim region.
Many of the great industries were forcibly liquidated by government policies favoring multinational companies, including those of Gonzalo Puyat, Toribio Teodoro, Jose P. Marcelo, Domingo Guevara, Manuel Elizalde, Fernando Jacinto, Jesus Cabarrus. My father sold out and liquidated his businesses some time ago because he realized that new technological developments are rendering his products, which he pioneered and developed into a lucrative market monopoly, obsolescent and obsolete. His Old Town Carbon Paper, 91 percent of the market, was threatened by the advent of the copying machine. His Crayola Crayons, almost 100 percent of the market, was threatened by the felt marker pens made by Pentel. His Mongol pencils, 95 percent of the market, and Parker Quink Ink, was threatened by the development of the ball pens. His blackboards may soon be replaced by the whiteboards, his paints based on alkyd resins may soon be replaced by various synthetic resins.
He wanted to influence government policy and he run for the Senate with the Liberal Party, together with Ninoy Aquino, Soc Rodrigo, Camilo Osias, Maria Kalaw Kartigbak. Of all of them only Ninoy Aquino won, and martial law and IMF dictation was imposed a few years later. The sense of betrayal he felt with American and IMF pressure and influence led him to be a critic of both the Marcos and the Cory administrations. This is the time he launched a new career as a writer for the Mr&Ms Special Edition and the Philippine Daily Inquirer, and became the most widely read columnist in the country, according to all surveys including the 1991 and 1992 report of the Philippine Survey Research Center (PSRC which rates the media for advertisers) with 15 readers to every two of Luis Beltran, and to every five of Max Soliven, the most popular old timers.
Ninoy Aquino and my father agreed that the best way to immortalize oneself is to write for the next generation. But they differed when to write. Ninoy wanted to write at the beginning of his career, because it opens doors for him and get him in touch with those who make history. My father answered: “Ninoy, writing is a starvation game, and you are lucky to have a rich wife beside you. But me, I have to write at the end of my career when I would have accumulated enough wealth to be financially independent, and enough knowledge, wisdom and experience to pass on to the next generation.
Two things my father learned as he tried to influence the nation to repudiate the IMF, the CRC, and the free market economists. First, those in power do not give a damn about any dissenting opinion, and cannot be moved by criticism because they are used to being hated and feared. Second, he discovered that the only way to hold their attention is to do what they hate most, being ridiculed, being made fun of, because that lowers their image and self-esteem. In this way, and with his infectious humor and computer-like mastery of any subject, he became the most effective critic, the most feared, the most read and the most enjoyed of all columnists.
But in the end, he realized that being a critic and a gadfly was not his real vocation. As pointed out by his wife Cecilia, he is much better as a participant in national development, constructive and self-effacing, and this is the role he is now playing in the Ramos government as Presidential Consultant on National Affairs, once described as a cabinet position without portfolio.
This volume, the sixth of a series, continue to chronicle his innermost thoughts, his style and substance, his original and brilliant insights, his contagious and outrageous sense of humor, and his vision for a better Philippines.
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http://tinyurl.com/mj76ccq – my book list

Money Laundering

I wrote an article, Hiding Ill-gotten Wealth, in my Writings 12 Book, a collection of various articles by others & myself, available at amazon.com book section. I failed to include Money Laundering as a sub-topic, which is an intriguing subject.

I could not imagine how money laundering is achieved when it’s almost impossible to trust your loot or stolen money to other people or entities. Say, I am congressman in the Philippines. Say, I looted P10 Million from my pork-barrel funds. I can’t deposit that money in my name in a legitimate bank account as it will be too conspicuous. I can’t ask my wife, my children and in-laws to deposit that money in their names for the same reason. I can’t bring that money abroad as hand-carry item due to violations of Philippine and American laws about carrying large amount of money. I can’t remit via bank to bank transactions as I can’t trust chosen recipients abroad. Methods of cleaning that money via money-laundering are described in the internet. Still the main component is TRUST. To whom will I trust that loot, as I need trusted accomplices for such crimes. I can’t just establish dummy companies abroad, without the help of trusted accomplices abroad. I can’t deposit that money in the Bahamas, Cayman Islands, Switss accounts, or other European banks, as I would need trusted people in those places. In the end, I will eventually lose that loot to others or to the government, or even go to prison.